Vladimir Putin is the person who introduced conflict again to Europe, by sending his tanks into Ukraine on 24 February final 12 months.

Little is understood in regards to the murky workings of the Kremlin and of Mr Putin's way of thinking - to his residents, he's each "the old man" and the image of Russia. To his Kremlin associates, he provides a method of clinging to energy and wealth.

In our Ukraine live blog this week we ran an eight-part sequence posing inquiries to specialists about what the Russian president's motivations are.

Here's what they mentioned.

Part one: How has Putin's formative years impacted his profession?

Vladimir Putin grew up within the ruins of post-war Leningrad - now referred to as St Petersburg - and from a younger age was operating with avenue gangs.

His childhood expertise was "relatively rough" and left him "constantly looking for security" with an consciousness of "actually how dangerous and precarious life can be", mentioned Mark Galeotti, principal director of Mayak Intelligence and a senior affiliate fellow on the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI).

He was left wanting to hitch the "biggest gang in town", and so after he left college he joined the KGB - the safety service for the then Soviet Union.

The younger Putin was additionally described by Philip Short, journalist and creator of Putin: His Life And Times, as a "bit of a tearaway" and a "young hooligan" - though "not quite so much as he later made out".

Even as a youth, he would play his playing cards near his chest and "never gave very much away about himself or what he was thinking", Mr Short mentioned - traits he has carried on into his presidency.

"He was actually quite bright and surprised his classmates by the way he understood difficult Russian writers like Gogol," the creator mentioned.

Then there was additionally his propensity for taking "crazy risks".

"When he became older, he was aware of that and compensated by being extremely cautious," Mr Short mentioned.

But in fact, there have been main exceptions - not least the conflict in Ukraine, which he's now "personally invested" in.

Part two: How did the autumn of the Soviet Union affect Putin?

The Soviet Union - made up of 15 republics, together with Russia, Ukraine and Belarus - was as soon as the most important nation on the planet, occupying practically a sixth of the Earth's land floor.

When it fell and dissolved in 1991, it was a serious shock to these residing underneath its rule.

"It was a huge transition which people in most countries don't go through. From being part of a superpower which had enormous political and geopolitical reach, to suddenly finding you were part of Russia," mentioned Mr Short.

For Russians, it meant that most of the assumptions they grew up with have been now mentioned to be false, he mentioned.

"It was extremely difficult - a really terrible period that they had to go through in the 1990s," he continued.

Dr Alan Mendoza, founder and government director of the Henry Jackson Society, mentioned this "clearly affected [Putin] very significantly".

"I'm not sure Putin was necessarily a believer in communism but he was a believer in the system, that much was evident," he mentioned.

Mr Putin, who would seemingly have needed to work his approach up the KGB, would have seen his aspirations "torn apart", Dr Mendoza mentioned.

He noticed the "chaos" of the Nineties in Russia, and for the final 20 years has been attempting to revive the "lost empire".

Dr Mendoza added Mr Putin's long-held sense of Russian nationalism and imperialism - mirrored in his view of Ukrainians not being "real people" - goes all the best way again to "that trauma of the lost Soviet Union".

Part three: Why is Putin so afraid of being assassinated?

Repeated reviews have emerged that Mr Putin is frightened of being assassinated - and it is tough to say how a lot is paranoia, and the way a lot could possibly be grounded in proof.

"I think once you've been in power for as many years as Putin has, your natural state is paranoia," mentioned Dr Mendoza.

He added: "You see it in that you don't know where the guy is at any given time, [and he's] meeting people with extreme distances between them. There's clearly a sense that people are out to get him - it's on his mind, very much so.

"Some folks most likely are out to get him. After 25 years on the high, you do amass enemies alongside the best way - however a part of it's imagined."

Professor David Lewis, an expert in global politics at the University of Exeter, thinks it may go back further.

"Putin has at all times had a powerful sense of insecurity, maybe stemming from his background within the KGB and his expertise of the collapse of the USSR," he said.

The Russian president believes it is his mission to "break the dominance of the West in worldwide politics and 'make Russia nice once more'" - so it is "not stunning" he believes Western security services, Ukrainian intelligence and Russian rivals are all plotting against him.

It could also be the "inevitable results of being absolutely the ruler of a reasonably cannibalistic system", said Mr Galeotti.

"Putin encourages his varied underlings to compete towards one another. And I believe that is partly as a result of he assumes that frankly, that is the pure order."

Part 4: Does Putin care about what extraordinary Russians suppose?

For Mr Galeotti, there are two the reason why Mr Putin really does care about how he seems to be to Russian residents.

Mr Putin is "clearly thinking about his historical legacy and how future generations will remember him", he mentioned.

But additionally, on a extra pragmatic stage, "the most successful police states are the ones in which those who are being controlled don't realise it, or actually end up backing the regimes exploiting them".

For Russians, he mentioned, there are two Putins - and it is mirrored within the truth his approval rankings are typically about 80%, whereas his belief rankings lean nearer to 30%.

So why would Russians approve of somebody they do not belief?

"There's Putin, the icon of Russia - that becomes a representation ... If people are asked if they approve of Putin, it's whether you approve or not of Russia.

"There's additionally Putin the politician, the human being, and I believe that's mirrored by the belief score."

Still, Mr Galeotti said there is now increasingly a sense that Mr Putin's "sell-by date has come and gone".

"I bear in mind final time I used to be travelling in Russia, earlier than I used to be banned, I used to be eavesdropping listening to folks confer with him because the 'previous man'."

Sir Andrew Wood, a former British ambassador to Russia, says there is a level of apathy from Russians.

"They'd reasonably not give it some thought. This is definitely fairly typical. If you return to the best way they appear again at Stalin occasions and Soviet occasions, there are all kinds of issues they'd reasonably not take into consideration," he said.

Sir Andrew added: "So the best way [Mr Putin] portrays it as a time of triumph and Russia was nice, they gained the conflict in 1945, they take that as completely advantageous. It proves that they are nice folks, however they do not take into consideration the quantity killed within the camps, the variety of folks killed on the battlefield. They don't love to consider that as a result of it is too hurtful."

Part 5: What does Putin's shut circle within the Kremlin consider him?

This could be a troublesome query to reply, even for many who have studied Russia for a few years.

Sir Andrew mentioned one in all Mr Putin's major traits is to "speak to as few people as he can" - that means there are few folks within the Kremlin, and even fewer within the shut circle round him.

John Foreman, who was just lately Britain's defence attaché in Moscow, mentioned the shut circle would have been collectively for 25 to 30 years.

Russia has a "very different nature of power" based mostly on "personality, friendships and old links", he mentioned.

"These decisions are taken by blokes who used to go to school together, to chat with each other, or play Judo and so on."

Mr Foreman continued: "They all know that they rely on Putin for power and wealth. So when they have private thoughts about Putin, they would never express those in public when they know the consequences of moving against each other and being seen to be disloyal."

They should not "stupid people" and they're conscious of what's occurring with the conflict, he mentioned, however "at this stage they have calculated that it's better to stick with who you know than risk a change of leadership" - and face dropping their positions, and presumably their lives.

Professor Lewis agrees Mr Putin's shut circle has an "enormous amount to lose" if he's ousted from energy.

But he additionally thinks lots of these round Mr Putin share his worldview - with some taking an much more excessive place - believing the West is a "hostile force" that's "using Ukraine as a proxy to attack Russia".

Sir Andrew believes Mr Putin's shut circle is now focusing solely on the conflict, with many of the establishments that usually make up a authorities now abolished.

"At the beginning, he did have a government. He did have people who could advise him on the economy," he mentioned.

But these with native authority throughout Russia have "all been effectively sent out", so the choices Mr Putin makes now are "very much based on what he believes", Sir Andrew mentioned.

Part six: Why would Putin meet Prigozhin for tea after branding him a 'traitor'?

The Russian non-public mercenary group Wagner, led by its founder Yevgeny Prigozhin, staged a short-lived rebellion towards Moscow's navy leaders in June.

Soon after, it emerged Prigozhin - who Mr Putin had branded a "traitor" - had gone for tea with the Russian president.

And final month, he appeared at a summit between Russia and African leaders. So, what's going on?

"The meeting makes more sense if you think of Putin's Russia as similar to a mafia organisation," mentioned Professor Lewis.

"There is no rule of law, but only informal agreements among rival groups brokered by Putin as a kind of godfather figure."

He mentioned it will have made sense for Mr Putin to dealer an "informal deal" to maintain Prigozhin alive and a small Wagner pressure intact, however hold it underneath the heel of the Kremlin so it may do Moscow's bidding in components of Africa and elsewhere.

Mr Short, the creator and journalist, agrees that Mr Putin "still sees a role" for Prigozhin, not less than for now.

He says that when Mr Putin was deputy mayor of St Petersburg, he "had to deal with criminal types like Prigozhin and he found ways of dealing with them, ways of making use of them".

"The system that he's built as president relies on playing off one faction against another, one group against another, so that no group can become too powerful and can actually threaten the central power," Mr Short added.

Mr Foreman mentioned the Russian president had appeared "disturbed" and "upset" because the revolt befell.

But Prigozhin's assembly with Mr Putin would have been just like the warlord "bending knee before its master, begging for forgiveness, and pledging his loyalty".

Still, it seems Prigozhin's future prospects seemingly grasp within the steadiness.

"He has powerful enemies, Prigozhin, and what happens to him in the medium term I think is different to what happens to him in the short term," Mr Foreman mentioned.

Professor Lewis added: "In any case, Prigozhin should not relax too much. Putin's career suggests that he firmly believes the old adage - that revenge is a dish best served cold."

Part seven: Will Putin ever again down in Ukraine?

The "myth of [Putin's] power has been tarnished" over greater than 500 days of conflict, mentioned Mr Foreman - however that does not imply he'll again down.

"I still think he's all into his mission. I think he thinks his mission is very historic ... it's part of his personal legacy," he mentioned.

Mr Foreman mentioned the Russian president shall be conscious about the implications for him personally if he fails in Ukraine, and subsequently there's "no price [Russia] won't pay".

"There's no cost in either national wealth or people they won't pay. Nobody's spoken in public against it, he's got no opposition at home."

Mr Putin views the West as "utterly weak", Mr Foreman mentioned, so it'll take Russia being defeated on the battlefield for Moscow's troops to be pulled out, in his view.

"I think the only hope for Russia is the Ukrainians manage to kick the Russians out," he mentioned, though that is "looking less likely this year".

Dr Mendoza, founder and government director of the Henry Jackson Society, mentioned Putin may also pay attention to the historic context.

The final Soviet chief to gamble with such excessive stakes was Nikita Khrushchev in the course of the Cuban missile disaster - a 13-day showdown between the US and Russia broadly thought of to be the closest the world has come to nuclear Armageddon.

Dr Mendoza mentioned the identical query was posed throughout that disaster: "Can Khrushchev back down?"

"And it turns out that he could back down but the parole was up and, of course, he was removed from power afterwards."

Therefore it is attainable Mr Putin could again down, however Dr Mendoza mentioned: "He'll be fully aware of the Khrushchev comparison."

He added: "Having basically staked his whole life's work on winning this war, it's very difficult to see how [Putin] could back down and then survive the repercussions."

Part eight: What occurs to Putin if he loses the conflict in Ukraine?

It's price remembering that Russia has occupied components of Ukrainian territory, in Crimea and within the Donbas area, since 2014.

While Ukraine's objective is to recapture all territory taken by Russia since then - not simply areas occupied because the 2022 invasion - navy analysts imagine this shall be extraordinarily troublesome to attain.

Therefore, it is tough to say when precisely Russia has "lost" the conflict.

"Russia only loses the war when Putin says so. Even if the Ukrainian military inflicts a major defeat on Russian troops and forces them to withdraw from most Ukrainian territory, Russia could still fight on in Crimea and the Donbas and continue to attack Ukrainian cities with missiles," mentioned Professor Lewis.

"Russia's powerful propaganda machine would try to sell defeat as victory."

Mr Short mentioned the Russian president would be capable of declare victory if Moscow have been in a position to maintain onto something greater than it had firstly of the 2022 invasion.

He mentioned the Russian president would use this towards the West, which is supporting Ukraine, to say: "All of them came in and backed Ukraine, and we still managed to get more than we had before. They hadn't been able to prevent us."

But Professor Lewis mentioned if Ukraine managed to maintain its pre-2022 territory, Mr Putin's credibility could be "severely damaged" and Russia's political elites "would probably decide that Putin had become a liability and look for a change".

"A far-right militaristic regime might emerge that would seek revenge for Russia's defeat," he mentioned.

"But it is more likely that Putin would be replaced by a figure from his current entourage, who would look for a deal with the West to end the war.

"All eventualities are in play, together with a interval of chaos as completely different factions wrestle for energy."

Mr Foreman, the recent British defence attaché to Moscow, said Mr Putin "spent the pandemic sitting in one in all his bunkers studying historical past" and knows that in Russian history, dictators can and have been replaced.

"So he is nicely conscious, however whether or not he is allowed to retire to a dacha [second home] or whether or not he is killed… Russian transitions of energy are usually related to some type of blood. I believe he clings on as a result of he is aware of what is going to occur to him."

Still, Mr Short believes it is highly unlikely the Russian army can be pushed totally out of Ukraine - and therefore Mr Putin's position is "safe" - for the foreseeable future, not less than.